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Tanzania Eases Curfew and Internet Blackout After Deadly Post-Election Violence

by Nelson Ugwuagbo November 4, 2025
written by Nelson Ugwuagbo

Tanzania began easing restrictions on Tuesday, partially lifting a curfew and restoring limited internet access following days of deadly unrest that erupted after the country’s general election.

The violence, which the opposition claims has left hundreds dead, broke out after the October 29 poll that saw President Samia Suluhu Hassan declared the winner with 98 percent of the vote — a result opposition parties have dismissed as a “sham.”

A total internet blackout imposed on election day has been partially lifted, though access remains unstable and independent verification of reports from the country is still difficult.

An AFP correspondent in Dar es Salaam reported a gradual return to normalcy in the commercial capital, even as tension lingered. Long queues were seen at reopening petrol stations amid soaring prices, with private tuk-tuks and motorbikes filling transport gaps.

Security forces were still visible in several parts of the city, though their presence had notably decreased compared to previous days.

Internet connectivity appeared to be returning intermittently, allowing the circulation of graphic images allegedly from the protests on social media

November 4, 2025 0 comments
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Dangote Not A Creative, Foresighted Investor That Can Survive In A Competitive Business Environment:

by Leading Reporters June 30, 2021
written by Leading Reporters

Most recently, news broke that Aliko Dangote was moving 60% of his family investment to the US. Few days after, we saw him in Tanzania promising to increase his investment in the country because he wants to support the new president, whose business decisions have been investment friendly. I am happy for him. He has sense.

But as a businessman, I am not sure Dangote is a model. Don’t take my word for it. Let the data speak:

In October 2016, Dansa, Dangote’s fruit juice company packed up because it wasn’t making profit. It closed shop, owing its workers 6 months’ salary. 

He also started a $13 million tomato processing plant in March 2016 and closed shop in August 2017, saying it was because of “importation of tomato paste, shortfall in the supply of fresh tomatoes and power failure.” It is funny that they didn’t consider these three factors before commencing.

So they started a tomato farm that will supply fresh tomatoes, and then do some kind of backward integration. After spending $3million to set up a green house, the farm died. It has been starting and stopping since then. No money, no tomatoes, no factory.

In November 2017, it was the turn of Dangote noodles to go under. In his words, they wanted to “focus on pasta and flour.” He sold the noodles factory to his biggest rival, Dufil, makers of Indomie. It was like Coca-Cola buying a Pepsi plant; a business abomination.

Have you ever wondered what happened to Mowa Water Dangote’s bottled water? Well, it went down with Dansa, or soon after.

Then his Dangote Flour was acquired by Olam in 2019. He left the noodles business to concentrate on flour. But even the “commitment to flour” wasn’t enough to stop Dangote Flour from baking and burning.

At the start of the Ramadan fast, Dangote Sugar wrote a petition against BUA Sugar, asking the FG to place trade sanctions on BUA for “undermining the National Sugar Master Plan.” In English, he wanted the FG to tilt the competition in his favour again by grounding BUA. BUA claimed that he was being blackmailed because he refused to hike sugar prices at Ramadan, like Dangote did. 

Here is my point: wherever and whenever there is competition, Dangote would either cop out, or tap out, or try to change the business rules in his favour using his government connections. He couldn’t sell water because he was competing with pure water sellers; he couldn’t sell noodles because of Indomie: he couldn’t sell flour because of Honeywell; he couldn’t sell tomato paste because of Derika and other pepper sellers in the market. He couldn’t sell fruit juice because of 5-Alive. Dangote would only do well where the policy was in his favour and competitors were given a bad hand by government regulators.

I read a Reuters report some years ago (and it’s still online) which revealed that at the height of the naira-dollar crisis of 2016, Dangote bought at least $161million in hard currency from the CBN directly within March to May 2016. This was 90% of all the USD that the CBN sold within that period. All other manufacturers – all 2,000 of them – got the balance of 10%. He bought the USD at the official rate of N197/199 while other businesses bought in the black market at N320. Reuters reported that Dangote made over $100 million from this Forex deal.

Dangote has always been the favourite side chic of every government since the return to democracy. In 2003, he was alleged to have part-funded Obasanjo’s re-election campaign when Atiku was doing anyhow. Then he befriended Yar’adua, then Goodluck, then, even Buhari. On the day Goodluck, his former zaddy was licking his wounds from the electoral defeat of 2015, Dangote was alleged to be clinking glasses and performing a lap dance for Buhari, his new zaddy.

But why would such a “successful businessman” be thinking of moving 60% of his family investment to the US, and even adding to his capital investment in Tanzania which is already about $770million? The answer is in Buhari.

In 2015 when this administration took over, Dangote’s net worth was $17.7 billion. Right now, it is $11.1 billion. Meaning that in 6 years of Buhari, he has lost about 40% of his net worth. Project two years forward: what would his net worth be in 2023? My projection is that he might be worth around $8 billion, or less, depending on what happens to his refinery, and what happens in the security mileu.

With all the favours: tax exemptions, special status, Forex allocations, special limestone mining licenses etc, Aliko’s money is still melting like cotton candy on a hot summer afternoon. He has activated his Plan B. Can you blame him?  

By: Daniel Bott, Edited by:  LeadingReporters

June 30, 2021 0 comments
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If poor countries go unvaccinated, rich ones will pay, says study

by Leading Reporters May 7, 2021
written by Leading Reporters

In monopolising the supply of vaccines against Covid-19, wealthy nations are threatening more than a humanitarian catastrophe: The resulting economic devastation will hit affluent countries nearly as hard as those in the developing world.

This is the crucial takeaway from an academic study to be released Monday (Jan 25). In the most extreme scenario – with wealthy nations fully vaccinated by the middle of this year, and poor countries largely shut out – the study concludes that the global economy would suffer losses exceeding US$9 trillion (S$12 trillion), a sum greater than the annual output of Japan and Germany combined.

Nearly half of those costs would be absorbed by wealthy countries like the United States, Canada and Britain.

In the scenario that researchers term most likely, in which developing countries vaccinate half their populations by the end of the year, the world economy would still absorb a blow of between US$1.8 trillion and US$3.8 trillion. More than half of the pain would be concentrated in wealthy countries.

Commissioned by the International Chamber of Commerce, the study concludes that equitable distribution of vaccines is in every country’s economic interest, especially those that depend most on trade. It amounts to a rebuke to the popular notion that sharing vaccines with poor countries is merely a form of charity.

“Clearly, all economies are connected,” said Professor Selva Demiralp, an economist at Koc University in Istanbul who previously worked at the Federal Reserve in Washington, and is one of study’s authors. “No economy will be fully recovered unless the other economies are recovered.”

Prof Demiralp noted that a global philanthropic initiative known as the ACT Accelerator – which is aimed at providing pandemic resources to developing countries – has secured commitments for less than US$11 billion toward a US$38 billion target. The study lays out the economic rationale for closing the gap. The remaining US$27 billion may, on its face, look like an enormous sum but is a pittance compared with the costs of allowing the pandemic to carry on.

The commonplace idea that the pandemic respects neither borders nor racial and class divides has been promoted by corporate chief executives and pundits. This comforting concept has been belied by the reality that Covid-19 has trained its death and destruction of livelihoods on low-wage service workers, and especially racial minorities, while white-collar employees have been able to largely work safely from home, and some of the world’s wealthiest people can ride out the pandemic on yachts and private islands.

But in the realm of international commerce, there is no hiding from the coronavirus, as the study brings home. Global supply chains that are vital to industry will continue to be disrupted so long as the virus remains a force.

A team of economists affiliated with Koc University, Harvard University and the University of Maryland examined trade data across 35 industries in 65 countries, producing an extensive exploration of the economic impacts of unequal vaccine distribution.

If people in developing countries remain out of work because of lockdowns required to choke off the spread of the virus, they will have less money to spend, reducing sales for exporters in North America, Europe and East Asia. Multinational companies in advanced nations will also struggle to secure required parts, components and commodities.

At the centre of the story is the reality that most international trade involves not finished wares but parts that are shipped from one country to another to be folded into products. Of the US$18 trillion worth of goods that were traded last year, so-called intermediate goods represented US$11 trillion, according to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development.

The study finds that the continued pandemic in poor countries is likely to be worst for industries that are especially dependent on suppliers around the world, among them automotive, textiles, construction and retail, where sales could decline more than 5 per cent.

The findings add a complicating layer to the basic assumption that the pandemic will leave the world economy more unequal than ever. While this appears true, one striking form of inequality – access to vaccines – could pose universal problems.

In an extraordinary testament to the innovative capacities of the world’s most skilled scientists, pharmaceutical companies produced life-saving vaccines in a small fraction of the time thought possible. But the wealthiest countries in North America and Europe locked up orders for most of the supply – enough to vaccinate two and three times their populations – leaving poor countries scrambling to secure their share.

Many developing countries, from Bangladesh to Tanzania to Peru, will likely have to wait until 2024 before fully vaccinating their populations.

The initiative to supply poor countries with additional resources gained a boost as US President Joe Biden took office. The Trump administration did not contribute to the cause. Mr Biden’s chief medical officer for the pandemic, Dr Anthony Fauci, promptly announced that the United States would join the campaign to share vaccines.

In contrast to the trillions of dollars that governments in wealthy countries have spent to rescue companies and workers harmed by the health emergency and the wrenching economic downturn, developing countries have struggled to respond.

As migrant workers from poor countries have lost jobs during the pandemic, they have not been able to send as much money home, levelling a major blow to countries that have relied on these so-called remittances like the Philippines, Pakistan and Bangladesh.

The global recession has slashed demand for commodities, decimating copper producers like Zambia and Congo, and countries dependent on oil exports like Angola and Nigeria. As Covid-19 cases have soared, that has depressed tourism, costing jobs and revenue in Thailand, Indonesia and Morocco.

Many poor countries entered the pandemic with debt burdens that absorbed much of their government revenue, limiting their spending on healthcare. Private creditors have refused to participate in a modest debt suspension programme forged by the Group of 20. The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund both promised major relief but failed to produce significant dollars.

This, too, appears to be changing as new leadership takes over Washington. The Trump administration opposed a proposed US$500 million expansion of so-called special drawing rights at the IMF, a reserve asset that governments can exchange for hard currency. Mr Biden’s ascent has bolstered hopes among fund members that his administration will support the expansion. Democrats in Congress – now in control of both chambers – have signalled support for a measure that would compel the Treasury to act.

Still, in capitals like Washington and Brussels, the discussion about support for the developing world has been framed in moral terms. Leaders have debated how much they can spare to help the planet’s least fortunate communities while mostly tending to their own people.

The study challenges that frame. In failing to ensure that people in the developing world gain access to vaccines, it concludes, leaders in the wealthiest nations are damaging their own fortunes.

“No economy, however big, will be immune to the effects of the virus until the pandemic is brought to an end everywhere,” said Mr John Denton, secretary-general of the International Chamber of Commerce. “Purchasing vaccines for the developing world isn’t an act of generosity by the world’s richest nations. It’s an essential investment for governments to make if they want to revive their domestic economies.”

May 7, 2021 0 comments
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Tanzania’s President, John Magufuli dies at 61

by Leading Reporters March 18, 2021
written by Leading Reporters

John Magufuli, Tanzania’s President, has passed on from a brief illness.

Tanzanian President John Magufuli, who drew widespread criticism for his denialism of the coronavirus pandemic, has died only five months after he won a second term in a disputed election. He was 61.

“We have lost our courageous leader, President John Magufuli, who has died from a heart illness,

This was disclosed by Vice President, Samia Suluhu Hassan in a broadcast on Wednesday evening.

“Dear Tanzanians, it is sad to announce that today 17 March 2021 around 6 p.m. we lost our brave leader, President John Magufuli who died from heart disease at Mzena hospital in Dar es Salaam where he was getting treatment,” the vice president said

Magufuli had not been seen in public since the 24th of February. The Vice President, Samia Suluhu Hassan, will be sworn in and complete the rest of the five-year term that Magufuli began serving last year after winning a second term, becoming Tanzania’s first female president.

What you should know about Magufuli

Magufuli was born in Chato, north-west Tanzania, in 1959, and Studied Chemistry and maths at the University of Dar es Salaam, after which he worked as a Teacher and Industrial Chemist before he entered Politics.

He was elected as Member of Parliament in 1995, Minister in 2000 and President in 2015.

March 18, 2021 0 comments
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