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Welcoming Datti Ahmed to Nigeria’s presidential race

by Leading Reporters July 10, 2022
written by Leading Reporters

By Tonnie Iredia

The Labour Party (LP) is fast positioning itself among the major political parties in the country. Its growing popularity further soared two days ago when it unveiled one outstanding Nigerian, Datti Baba-Ahmed as its vice presidential candidate. Datti, the founder and pro-chancellor of Baze university Abuja is a highly principled personality and well respected technocrat. Those who are close to him would readily testify that his unveiling was a pleasant surprise. After tenaciously rejecting Nigeria’s commercialized politics several times, not many expected that he would be one of the candidates in next year’s presidential election. There are at least two notable examples of his principled stand-point. The first was his refusal to participate in the recent presidential primaries of his previous party – the PDP.
 
His reason was that because all southern candidates gave way for their northern colleagues to be the only aspirants in 2019, it was morally wrong for northern aspirants like himself to come out again for the 2023 contest. The second example was his withdrawal from the latest Kaduna governorship primaries of his party on the ground that he could not stand the practice of bribing delegates. If so, why has Datti suddenly accepted the invitation by the Labour party? Does he not realize that it is hard to differentiate dirty party primaries from the plethora of electoral malpractices which happen during general voting? If the truth must be told, innovations by successive electoral bodies in Nigeria notwithstanding, a typical election in the country is essentially an ordeal in which several democratic norms and values are breached. This seems to explain the reluctance of well-meaning people to be part of elections in our clime.
 
Consequently, our elections which had been largely incredible have left the nation in a state of anomie. What the citizens get is usually excuses and buck-passing between the two major political parties, the All Progressives Congress APC and the Peoples Democratic Party PDP. The current ruling party, the APC says, for example, that it will take longer than can be imagined to redress the 16-year old damage done to Nigeria by the previous ruling party. Painfully, most of the APC chieftains who cherish this rationalization were themselves previously in the PDP. Some have left and returned more than once. Thus, every criticism that PDP now has for the current ruling party is exactly what the former opposition party levelled against the then ruling party in 2014. It’s like politicians are articulate when in opposition but clueless once in power.  The implication is that the difference between the APC and the PDP is the same as the difference between six and half a dozen.
 
Whereas chieftains and acclaimed numerous supporters of the two large parties are likely to continue to vote for them, the average citizen who is tired of both the APC and PDP ought to be given an opportunity to have other alternatives from which to make a choice. This is why the emergence at the national scene of the Labour Party and the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) which appear to have brought forth some viable candidates is salutary.  The Labour Party in particular ought to be commended for unveiling a sound joint-ticket of two outstanding Nigerians of the same ideological inclination. For some time now, Peter Obi the party’s presidential candidate has been trending because of his well-known prudence and accountability. His vice, Datti Baba-Ahmed was a delight to watch on national television a few hours after his unveiling, hitting the right points.
 
For the benefit of those who did not watch the interview of Labour’s vice presidential candidate, I will endeavour to restate a few pertinent points he made. He started by drawing attention to the transparent compatibility between himself and his presidential candidate affirming that both of them were destined to rescue and fix Nigeria. So, our people can rightly ignore any excuses of incompatibility from either of them in future. Datti at a point likened the Labour Party to a fast moving train that cannot be halted as was recently done to the Abuja-Kaduna train whose passengers are yet to complete their two-hour trip after more than 100 days. He also announced that the day his party gets into power, would signal the end to the old order of inflation of government contracts adding that the hitherto stolen or misappropriated resources would be expended on people-oriented policies and programmes. It is therefore with excitement that i welcome on behalf of my readers, Senator Datti, Baba-Ahmed, LP’s vice presidential candidate to the 2023 contest.
 
It is not impossible that some smart politicians would make lofty promises that they don’t intend to fulfill.  The beauty of Datti’s outing however is that it did not take the usual form of coloured circumlocutory political diction. Rather it was a set of clear, concise and patently persuasive statements made with a commercial mindset. But most importantly, Datti established that his rather quiet disposition cannot be used to portray him as a new comer to the political scene. The Kaduna State-born economist was a legislator far back in 2003 when he won election to represent Zaria Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives. From 2011-2102, he served as a senator for Kaduna North under the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). He was also a presidential aspirant under PDP in the colourful Port Harcourt convention of 2019 and before his recent defection on moral grounds, he was among the aspirants who jostled for the governorship ticket in Kaduna State.
 
   
Following the rise of the LP, other political parties would definitely buckle up, making it easy for Nigeria to witness keener contests unlike before, when some big guys were always able to overwhelm candidates of infantile parties to ‘win’ elections in many polling centres where voting did not even hold. In other words, with the presence of popular rivals, our elections would be more credible because more candidates who would be eager to defeat the new men of ideas would tighten their belts and follow the path of issue-based political campaigns. Of course, there are a number of people in the old parties who would do better if they are challenged. As a result, we need to succinctly underscore the point that since 1999 when this democratic era began, Nigeria, has had only one large and rather invincible political party with two identical branches, hence they have over the period succeeded in rotating among themselves, the baton of exploitation.
 
While it is rational to advocate for keen and clean contests, it is hoped that such mature politics would dominate the forthcoming period of electioneering. In which case, the current trend of heating up the polity with defamatory messages especially in the social media should stop. Stories about anomalies in certain academic certificates, dates of births and other claims cannot help our voters to understand the process. Whereas party supporters cannot be stopped from propagating the popularity of specific political candidates through road shows and processions, the nation’s unending underdevelopment suggests that Nigerians need to hear not only the plans and promises of political parties, but also lucid explanations of how the promises and plans are to be fulfilled. This is crucial if the nation’s stunted growth is to end.
 
This is not to say that persons who have fake documents or any other legal disability should be spared because such persons are also likely to be fraudulent with power. But such anomalies should be tested in court and those found wanting excluded from the process. For example, in Delta state, on account of certain allegations, PDP’s governorship candidate was disqualified. Those who are dissatisfied with the decision should follow the judicial process to the end without canvassing the subject at violent campaign venues. Similarly, it will be counterproductive to convert several allegations of wrongful substitution of candidates in the APC or elsewhere into campaign issues, because they can drown the substantive issues of getting politicians to enunciate their election promises and how they would be fulfilled so that voters can make informed decisions.

July 10, 2022 0 comments
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Politics 2023: We are all delegates

by Leading Reporters May 29, 2022
written by Leading Reporters

By Tonnie Iredia

The presidential primaries of the main opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), was scheduled to hold on Saturday and Sunday May 28 and 29, 2022. On its part, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) had planned to hold hers 24 hours later. As I began putting this article together on the eve of the primaries, a news break indicated that the Independent National Election Commission (INEC) had extended the deadline for the conclusion of the events by one week. Before commenting on the implication of that, let’s not lose focus of the main issue in this article which is the role of delegates in the selection of party flagbearers for elections in Nigeria. So far, the delegates have had a great time deciding those that voters are allowed to choose from.  However, not many believe they have done well or would conclude it successfully. For me, I think the general condemnation of delegates is not well thought out because it seems many citizens expect the delegates to act against the run of play. The pointing of accusing fingers is not a surprise anyway because many citizens are used to raising the bar for other people above their own behaviour in similar circumstances.
 
For governorship and legislative primary elections which have already been concluded, aspirants were blamed for not only bribing delegates but for using foreign currency instead of our blessed naira to get the votes of delegates. Is it only political aspirants that should be condemned for this? Those we empowered to manage our economy, that is, economic delegates who ended up making the naira less attractive in value must share in the blame. Whereas to bribe delegates with whatever currency is a condemnable crime, it makes little sense for anyone to carry huge naira notes around instead of small sized dollars of same value for the same purpose. Even the argument that many of the delegates were making huge demands must be viewed against facts on ground. What is the current standard of doing any transaction in Nigeria? Is the percentage increase of delegates’ demand higher than the percentage increase of the cost of nomination forms? Are we able to quarrel with air flights that now cost over N100,000 per person for a trip from nearby Kaduna to Abuja?
 
The two major political parties which charged as much as N40million and N100million respectively for presidential nomination had also, even if inadvertently, set a standard for the charges of their delegates.  Indeed, the National Assembly had hugely raised the threshold for election expenses. So, if raising inducement charges by delegates is attributed to profiteering, both their leaders and political parties have not shown dissimilar inclination. A further evidence that everyone has a delegate’s attitude, is seen in the argument of the ruling party that she charged high nomination fees so as to harvest enough resources for a non-stop implementation of party programmes for a long time.  In the same way, delegates demanded huge inducement so that for the next four years, they can have enough resources to live on, while those they elected become inaccessible. It can therefore be imagined that if those pursuing huge sums of money are delegates, then Nigeria has, by far, too many types of delegates.
 
One error which many appear to be making is the impression that many delegates are not well educated or exposed enough for what they have become. Interestingly, Nigerian political delegates are not dull at all as we have seen in some locations such as Kaduna where a cerebral personality like senator Shehu Sani could not outsmart them. According to media reports, for refusing to bribe the delegates, he got only two votes but later received calls from no less than 300 delegates who claimed they are the two who voted for him pushing Sani to simply equate them with bandits who demand ransom. They are thus not dullards but smart speculators like other politicians who virtually hypnotize anyone. Here, the experience of a former Inspector General of Police, Mike Okiro is instructive. Okiro revealed that after his retirement, he was swindled of his savings having been persuaded to contest election to the senate. That unfortunately is the nature of the zero-sum political system we run and if the nation cannot rise in unison to condemn it and demand reforms, we are all delegates.
 
The only political group whose members are not delegates in Nigeria are state governors. Understandably, they cannot be delegates because they are the proprietors of delegates, akin to king makers. And because they spend much to make and sustain the delegates which is called political investment, whatever anyone pays to a delegate is immaterial, what matters the most is what his governor decides. Naturally, delegates know that “one good turn deserves another” hence, they make no serious demands of aspirants installed by governors. The delegates have fellows who have different titles. One group is called screening committee whose role as the name implies is to screen-in aspirants in the favoured list and screen-out competitors. This seems to explain why in places like Lagos, Ogun etc. other governorship aspirants, on the day of the primaries, still didn’t know why they were screened out. Some didn’t even know they needed to demand for certificate of clearance.
 
There are a few delegates in the judiciary and that is a big plus because there is no human institution without its bad eggs. When a court deliberately entertains only political cases for which it has no jurisdiction, despite repeated warnings from the highest professional level, it is hardly an innocent mistake because what each court in Nigeria has powers to handle are well-spelt out.  There are other delegate-judges whose pronouncements are usually capable of more than one meaning thereby leaving stakeholders in confusion. Some elements in the judiciary probably warm themselves up to opposite parties in a case thereby making factional-delegates from some states to continue to debate the authenticity of each other until after the primaries.
 
But is there a possibility that there are delegates in our electoral body? For two reasons, I personally admire the posture of the current INEC. First, I like the way the commission handled the issue of electronic transmission of election results and second, her firm stand in declining the request of the political parties for alteration to the election time table. Therefore, I had discountenanced earlier rumours that there are a few persons in the commission that have not fully had non-partisan background. This faith was shaken yesterday when I heard that INEC had caved-in to the extension request though for only a couple of days. Why can’t election timelines be sacrosanct as in other climes after they are published? I pray there are no delegates in INEC as the new development occurred hours to the national convention of the main opposition party. If the PDP can keep to her date of May 28, 2022, is it the ruling party whose convention is to come a day after, that cannot cope?
 
It is however gratifying to learn that irrespective of where delegates are hibernating, one day the aspirants who bribed them will take back their booty. Already, there are reports that the process has begun. Adam Namadi, son of former vice president Namadi Sambo has developed a strategy for retrieving the N2million he allegedly paid to each delegate who did not vote for him in the election to the Kaduna North Federal constituency of the House of Representatives. A serving Senator, Ayo Akinyelure from Ondo state has also reportedly retrieved vehicles given to some party leaders and he is now making efforts to get back monies given to seven delegates for failing to vote for him. What remains now is for Nigerians to stand firmly against vote trading as youths of Ibarapa, in Oyo state did the other day when they discovered that a delegate list prepared for their area was fake. It is only such efforts that can stop us all from becoming delegates.      

May 29, 2022

May 29, 2022 0 comments
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EFCC: Wanted Accountant-General of River State Siminialayi Fubara, for over N445bn Fraud, wins PDP Candidate

by Folarin Kehinde May 26, 2022
written by Folarin Kehinde

Siminialayi Fubara Rivers State Accountant-general wanted by EFCC for misappropriating over N100bn and fingered in another N435bn fraud, has just been declared winner of PDP Gubernatorial Primaries in Rivers State.”

The immediate past Rivers Accountant-General, Siminialayi Fubara, has emerged the governorship candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for the 2023 General Election.

Fubara, who hails from the riverine Opobo-Nkoro Local Government Area, scored 721 votes to defeated 15 other aspirants with Isaac Kamalu coming a distant second with 86 votes.

The Chairman of the Electoral Committee, Prof. Walter Mbotu, declared Fubara the winner of the primary election.

While Felix obua got 2 votes, David Brigs 4, West Morgan 4, Tammy Danagogo 36 and George Kelly 37, others scored zero vote.

About 898 delegates assembled at the Dr. Obi Wali Conference Centre, the venue of the primary election to vote for their preferred aspirants.

Mbotu said out of 980 expected delegates, 898 were accredited to vote while 8 votes were voided.

team of Electoral officials from the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) monitored the process with Governor Nyesom Wike in attendance.

Some major aspirants such as a former state Chairman of PDP, Felix Obua and former Secretary to State Government (SSG), Tammy Danagogo; Senator Thompson Sekibo, Austin Opara, Senator Lee Maeba were not in attendance.

But other popular aspirants, the Commissioner for Finance, Isaac Kamalu and Special Adviser, Special Project, George Kelly and the only female aspirant, Abbie Atedoghu were present at the venue.

After last minute horse trading by Governor Nyesom Wike, leaders of the PDP and the aspirants, voting commenced at 6:10pm.

Delegates were called by the Electoral committee according to their local government areas and they filed out to cast their votes in designated ballot boxes.

Mbotu, earlier promised to ensure a free, fair and transparent process as he advised delegates to comport themselves.

Chairman of PDP, Amb. Desmond Akawor, said the governorship primary would bring to an end series of activities to elect candidates of the party for the general elections.

Akawor expressed happiness that the process from delegate election to House of Assembly and National Assembly primaries had been successful.

May 26, 2022 0 comments
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2023: Party calls for Emefiele’s resignation as campaign posters flood APC convention

by Leading Reporters March 25, 2022
written by Leading Reporters

The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) demands the immediate resignation and investigation of the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Godwin Emefiele, following his appearance in All Progressives Congress (APC) campaign posters which confirms his partisan affiliation and entanglement with the APC.

The PDP asserts that the appearance of the CBN Governor; the banker of the federation, who by law, ought to be non-partisan and apolitical, in APC campaign material is the height of impunity of the President Muhammadu Buhari-led APC administration, which amounts to poking its fingers in the eyes of Nigerians and daring them to do their worse.

This action by Mr. Emefiele is contrary to the provision of Section 9 of the Central Bank of Nigeria (Establishment) Act which provides that “the governor and the deputy governors shall devote the whole of their time to the service of the bank and while holding office, shall not engage in any full or part-time employment or vocation, whether remunerated or not…”

Campaign posters publicising Governor of Central Bank, Godwin Emefiele, as presidential aspirant of the All Progressives Congress (APC) have flooded Eagle Square in Abuja, venue of the APC national convention scheduled to hold tomorrow.   

By engaging in partisan politics to the extent of appearing in APC campaign posters, Mr. Emefiele has knowingly and deliberately violated the provision of the CBN Act stated above.

Mr. Emefiele has also desecrated the sanctity of his office as CBN Governor, compromised the integrity of the apex bank, stripped it of the confidence reposed in it by Nigerians and the International Community and as such, cannot legitimately continue to hold and function in that office.

This further confirms that under Mr. Emefiele, the CBN, as the custodian of our national economy, has become an appendage and cash cow of the APC in their reckless pillaging of our national resources, the resultant effect of which is now evident in the near collapse state of our economy.

The CBN Governor must therefore resign immediately and subject himself to investigation by anti-corruption agencies on various allegations of financial misfeasance including reportedly opening our national vaults to the cabal in the APC administration and operating a special fraudulent, corrupt and discriminatory foreign exchange regimes for APC leaders to fleece our nation.

Although the central banker has not announced that he will be contesting for the party’s ticket at the primaries, some individuals under the aegis of Green Alliance Movement have on Wednesday said they will purchase nomination forms for him soon. 

Mr Emefiele’s tenure as the head of the central bank may be his strongest selling point but under his leadership, the central bank did not experience much growth or stability due to the downward spiral of the Naira. 

To tackle the devastating currency devaluation, Mr Emefiele launched attacks against AbokiFX, an online platform that publishes aggregated currency exchange rates by black listing the website and declaring the operator Oniwinde Adedotun wanted. This action was outside the administrative powers of the central bank governor.  

Mr Emefiele said that Mr Oniwinde’s reporting of exchange rates endangers the economy and embarrases the government. He went ahead to invite the blogger and his supporters to a fist fight should they disagree with his despotic decisions. 

Mr Emefiele also initiated economic and financial policies in connivance with the Buhari regime. Several of these policies do not reflect public interest and the good of the general public. 

In 2021 Mr Emefiele was dragged to court for allowing the Buhari regime continue borrowing flagrantly, after exceeding borrowing limit and not repaying previous outstanding. This action violated section 38 of the CBN Act. 

“The total amount of such advances outstanding shall not at any time exceed five per cent of the previous year’s actual revenue of the Federal Government.

“All sections advances made pursuant to this section shall be repaid –

“(a) as soon as possible and shall in any event be repayable by the end of the Federal Government Financial year in which they are granted and if such advances remain unpaid at the end of the year, the power of the Bank to grant such further advances in any subsequent year shall not be exercisable, unless the outstanding advances have been repaid,” Section 38 (2)(3) of the CBN act reads in part. 

Financial Analyst, Tosin Adeoti, commenting on his lawsuit against Mr Emefiele, berated the action as lawless. 

“We are asking the court to declare that the Central Bank of Nigeria under the direction of its Governor, Mr Godwin Emefiele, can be held liable/accountable for their incompetence, for actions taken in the course of their duties which are unlawful, illegal, unconstitutional and indeed detrimental to the public interest.

“We realised that those who should do something about the humongous debts the country is piling are not saying anything. The National Assembly is not exercising its functions rightly. A lot of civil rights organisations are shying away rather than put pressure on the presidency to stop taking more and more loans. 91 per cent of the nation’s revenue was spent on paying debt in the first six months of the year. This is not sustainable and will only lead to the nation being unable to get funds for capital projects. This cannot be good for any country.

“The CBN under Mr Emefiele has been engaged in the illegality of lending to the Federal Government more than the prescribed five per cent of the government’s revenues of the previous year. In 2020, for instance, the (apex) bank lent the government N2.8tn which is 62 per cent of 2019 revenues! The bank further lent to the Federal Government even when it had yet to refund what was previously borrowed. Presently, the Federal Government owes the CBN N15.51tn – N14.86tn of this under the Buhari regime, contrary to the express provisions of Section 38 of the CBN Act.

“This isn’t academic. The lawlessness is responsible for the skyrocketing prices of items in the market and the instability of the naira. It’s the CBN’s job to provide this stability. Breaking the law has brought instability. The dollar exchange rate as of this morning (Thursday, September 16, 2021) was N565 per dollar. Nobody knows where it is heading next, whether up or down and how long that would be. Who wants to invest in such a volatile environment? All of these things are connected,” Mr Adeoti said.

March 25, 2022 0 comments
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Matawalle’s judicial victory: Matters arising

by Leading Reporters February 13, 2022
written by Leading Reporters

By Tonnie Iredia

The Federal High Court, Gusau Division last week, was reported to have affirmed Bello Matawalle as governor of Zamfara state. The verdict of the case which was to oust Matawalle for defecting to another party did not surprise many because the reason for it is not new.

One point that has been consistently canvassed is that the defection of a governor from one party to another is not one of the conditions listed in our constitution for the removal of a governor from office. As a result, anyone who is eager to remove governor Matawalle or any of his colleagues from office has to follow the legal and appropriate provisions of the law. If so, why were very senior and respected lawyers part of the move by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to use the judiciary to sack the Zamfara governor for an offence that is said to be unknown to the law? Were they testing the waters or hoping that some activist judge might be swayed by the need to help society attain good public policy? However, the last may not have been heard of the case because only last Thursday, the Federal High Court Abuja granted a plea by the PDP to join governor Matawalle as a defendant in another suit seeking his removal.

While we are confident that the judiciary would in due course deal with the issues raised, many politicians and perhaps some curious individuals are becoming more concerned about how best to deal with many subjects which are also reportedly not known to the law but from which some people are reaping legal fruits. One such subject is what now looks like the participation of a non-existent entity in the government of Zamfara state.

The story behind it all is not difficult to recall. During the last general elections in the country, the ruling party in the state, the All Progressives Congress (APC) was declared winner of both the governorship and majority of the seats at the House of Assembly by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). The judiciary however over-turned the verdict having found the APC guilty of breaching the rules of the game. In other words, in the eyes of the law, the APC did not participate in the election and was even asked to pay a fine of N10million. From nowhere, some politicians have ‘circumlocuted’ to now conceive an inexplicable idea that some people answering the same name of APC and recognized by the national leadership of the APC now constitute the state government.

Expectedly, people are now asking a series of questions: (a) Can the APC which in the eyes of the law was non-existent in a state produce a governor for such a state? (b) Should the law recognize anyone who purports to be an APC governor in Zamfara state? (c) Should we discountenance those who think Matawalle should not be assisted to sustain such weird claim? (d) Are such persons, not raising a fundamental poser which public policy actors should ponder over quickly and seriously too? While not discussing the rationality of the judicial affirmation of Matawalle as governor especially because this column is not the correct location for that, it seems obvious that the judicial pronouncement has a technical foundation. In which case, the scenario may not be the fault of the judiciary as it is not expected to base its decisions on issues of morality or emotions and pressures of the moment. If so, it is time to begin to consider the other options that can be employed to make our democracy have a proper character.

In fact, like many other defects such as the issue of fake credentials by candidates which we have since been dealing with, it is also critical to identify strategies by which society can stop unstable actors who jump from one political divide to another from spending precious governance time on politicization. While it is likely that the Zamfara case would have been easily handled if it had arisen during the electioneering era especially during election petitions, time cannot legitimize inappropriate behaviour.

If it is allowed to remain, the contradictions it poses for the political system can pollute our democracy. To start with, it overturns the wishes of the people. During the 2019 general elections, the people of Cross River and Ebonyi states voted for the PDP. The defections of Governors Ben Ayade and Dave Umahi respectively from the people’s party of choice to their newly found party of interest, are quite capable of negating the democratic tenet of the sovereignty of the people. The governors neither sponsored themselves nor were they voted to represent themselves. They were supposed to be in office to represent the people.

As i have argued at some other fora in the past, the sovereignty of the people is the prime tenet of democracy. In every society, power belongs to the people because they are the source of political power. Everything in politics is supposedly done on their behalf by their representatives. When it is the other way round as happens in parts of Nigeria, it merely reverses the legitimacy of government which ought to be premised on the consent of the people. It is perhaps for this reason that many scholars have continued to argue that electoral victory is superior to judicial victory.

We need to take a more critical look at the subject and return power to the Nigerian people. While the power of the judiciary to settle election disputes has been helpful, the judiciary should not have the last say in determining the wishes of the people. A re-run election which gives the people the last say might be better. For instance, there is no proof that such a fresh exercise in Zamfara state which would have excluded APC having been disqualified would have been won by PDP that was second in the first exercise.

In Nigeria, party supremacy may be a myth in practice but in law it is real because the Nigerian constitution provides that only persons sponsored by political parties can contest elections in the country. To further confirm this privileged position of Nigeria’s political party system, the judiciary has consistently held that it is political parties that win elections and not their candidates.

As stated earlier, elections that were won by PDP in Cross River and Ebonyi states can at no point in time become APC victories simply because their governors found cause to change ship. It is worse in Zamfara, where APC was not one of the contesting parties in both the governorship elections and in the entire general elections of 2019. We cannot continue to criticise our parties as having no distinct manifestos and at the same time pretend not to know that politicians who can switch parties at will cannot in truth stand for anything distinct or original.

I consider it simplistic to argue that the defection of a governor is in line with the principle of freedom of movement. My position is that there is time for everything. A decent governor can resign at any time to join another party which he suddenly finds more appealing but it certainly amounts to usurpation for such a governor to hold-on to the mandate of another party while moving to a new party. Such a governor betrays the people who voted for him because he was known as the candidate of their preferred political party.

He also betrays many others such as those who stood as his nominees as part of the requirement for eligibility to contest elections in Nigeria. What the unending issues of materialistic defections suggest is that the constitutional provision which bars individuals from contesting elections as independent candidates has since become superfluous. Too many of such contradictions in our system ought to be expunged. They are the real issues which our law makers should put in the front burner of our so-called constitution amendment instead of issues of personal and party interest.

February 13, 2022 0 comments
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FCT Elections: PDP Beats APC, Wins Abuja Municipal Council Area

by Leading Reporters February 13, 2022
written by Leading Reporters

The candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Christopher Zaka, on Sunday emerged as the winner of the chairmanship election for Abuja Municipal Area Council (AMAC) after getting 19,302 votes. 

He was declared the winner of the chairmanship post for the council election after beating the candidate of All Progressives Congress (APC), Murtala Usman –  who polled 13,240 votes –  and 12 other candidates.

Total votes cast for the AMAC elections were 33,764.

Similarly, the PDP candidate in the Kuje Area Council chairmanship election in the Federal Capital Territory, Suleman Sabo, swept to victory in the poll.

The Independent National Electoral Commission, through Returning Officer, Sule Mahaji, announced the result on Sunday morning.

He said Sabo polled a total of 13,301 votes while his closest rival, Sarki Hamidu, of the All Progressives Congress, polled 7,694 votes.

With a total margin of 5,607 votes to defeat his closest rival, Sabo will now serve a second term in office as chairman of Kuje Council Area.

February 13, 2022 0 comments
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Aso Rock 2023: 12 Politicians Who Want To Replace Buhari

by Leading Reporters May 5, 2021
written by Leading Reporters

The 2023 elections are two years and two months away. Already, notable politicians from the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) have begun discreet campaigns to succeed President Muhammadu Buhari.

Also Read: There is Shortage of Leaders

While a few of them, like Senator Ahmed Yarima, have openly declared their presidential ambition, others have been using allies to test the waters.

Because of the uncertainty over zoning, some presidential hopefuls are being cautious, biding their time to see which way the pendulum would swing. 

But as we go into 2021, it is expected that the agitation for the presidential ticket in the two major parties would set off a chain of events expected to culminate in who becomes president in 2023.

Let’s look at 12 political heavyweights believed to be warming up to enter the ring in 2023.

1.Atiku Abubakar

He was Vice President from 1999 to 2007 during the reign of President Olusegun Obasanjo.

He was the PDP presidential candidate in the 2019 general elections but lost to APC’s Muhammadu Buhari.

Atiku, a business mogul and political heavyweight, is thought to have a deep pocket with political machinery and structures spread across the country. He ran for governor of Adamawa State first in 1990 and again in 1998 (when he won, before being picked as VP candidate) and was a presidential candidate of the defunct Action Congress (AC) in the 2007 presidential elections.

He contested the PDP presidential ticket before the 2011 general elections but did not make it.

In 2014, he joined the APC ahead of the 2015 presidential elections and contested the presidential primaries but lost to Buhari. He would later support Buhari’s run to Aso Rock. After being sidelined by the APC, he returned to the PDP in 2017 and secured the party’s presidential ticket for the 2019 general elections.

Though Atiku has not openly declared his intention to contest in 2023, indications show that he would. He has been a constant critic of the Buhari administration and his son,  Adamu Atiku, had in June 2020, said that his father would contest again in 2023.

Adamu, who spoke at the presentation of his scorecard as Commissioner for Works and Energy in Adamawa State, said, “I don’t see anything wrong with my father contesting for the presidency.

“In 2023, my father will be aspiring to the Number One office in the land because he has been an astute, strategic, master politician for almost four decades,” he said. 

2. Bola Ahmed Tinubu

The APC National Leader, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, has not openly declared his intention to run for the 2023 presidency but his allies, loyalists and supporters have commenced early campaigns for him to succeed President Buhari.

Though Tinubu, a former governor of Lagos State, has at every forum reiterated that the time is not yet ripe for 2023 electioneering, those around him have already started mobilizing.

Immediately after the 2019 elections, a group in Lagos, Tinubu 2023 Non-Negotiable (TNN), began actively campaigning for him nationwide.

Only last week, a new group, South West Agenda (SWAGA), led by Senator Dayo Adeyeye, comprising of former lawmakers and other politicians, asked Tinubu to make a run for 2023.

Tinubu has also recently embarked on a national tour, which analysts say are surreptitious moves to sell himself to the people and invigorate his national appeal.

But his 2023 ambitions are being challenged by forces within the party and he would have to overcome this threat to secure the party’s ticket.

Also, a group of young Nigerian professionals recently unveiled a political movement in Abuja to work for the actualisation of Tinubu’s perceived presidential aspiration.

The movement known as Young Professionals for Tinubu 2023, with membership across the 36 states of the federation and the FCT, said it had been in existence for almost two years, noting that the occasion was to mark its formal inauguration.

The National Coordinator of the group, Mr. Ahmed Muhammed Ibrahim, noted that Tinubu’s leadership qualities and knack for development informed the group’s resolve to work for his emergence as the APC candidate, as well as his success in the 2023 presidential election.

Tinubu has easily dominated South-West politics since 1999 and had been a thorn in the sides of the then ruling PDP.

He battled then President Obasanjo to a standstill and has managed to install every governor in Lagos since 2007, and many others in the South West. His biggest challenge yet might just be surviving the APC, a party he helped form and still leads, to make his presidential ambition a reality in 2023. 

3. Rotimi Amaechi

Recently, Rt. Hon. Rotimi Amaechi, a former two-term governor of Rivers State and current minister of transportation, stressed the need for the APC to respect the gentleman agreement to zone the presidency to the South in 2023.

This, pundits say, suggests he has ambitions for the seat.

Amaechi is one of the most visible ministers in Buhari’s government. He served as the Director-General of Buhari’s Campaign in 2015 and 2019.

He has experience as a former speaker in Rivers State, a two-term governor, former chairman of the NGF and now a minister driving a critical ministry in the present government.

But there are odds stacked against him as he may have to battle former President Goodluck Jonathan for the soul of the South-South.

He is also going to contend with the infighting in his home state, which has left the party deeply divided in recent times.

While he has not also declared interest in the presidency, people around him say he has his eyes firmly fixed on the seat and he is not leaving anything to chance. 

4. Kayode Fayemi

Though Governor Kayode Fayemi of Ekiti State has not declared for president in 2023, remarks made recently by a leader of the APC in his state suggest that the former minister of mines and steel development may be gearing up for the exalted seat.

Penultimate Saturday, the Paul Omotoso-led APC caretaker committee endorsed the governor for the presidency in 2023.

Omotoso, who spoke through Ade Ajayi, the APC caretaker publicity secretary, at an event organised by Olusegun Osinkolu in Ayede Ekiti, Oye Local Government Area of the state, said the party would drag Mr Fayemi into the presidential battle forcefully if he refuses to join willingly.

“On the 2023 presidency, the time has come for the president to come from Ekiti. That is why we are pleading with you to support Governor Fayemi.

“Though Governor Fayemi has never said he wanted to contest, we will force him to plunge into the race because of his competence, dedication and loyalty to [the] APC,” he added.

Fayemi can also leverage on his current position as the Chairman of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF) to pursue this ambition with the support of governors in the ruling party. 

5. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso

Pundits believe Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, a two-term former governor of Kano State, is likely to pursue his presidential ambition again in 2023.

Though the former minister of defence has not declared interest yet, he has, at different times, sought the presidential ticket of both the APC and the PDP but lost to President Buhari and former Vice President Atiku respectively.

Kwankwaso, who enjoys widespread support in Kano, is the leader of the Kwankwasiyya political movement.

He was in the Social Democratic Party (SDP) in the 1990s, rubbing shoulders with the likes of the late General Shehu Yar’adua, his former boss Senator Magaji Abdullahi, Babagana Kingibe, Atiku Abubakar, Bola Tinubu, late Tony Anenih, late Chuba Okadigbo, Abdullahi Aliyu Sumaila and late Lamidi Adedibu amongst others. 

6. Donald Duke

Donald Duke was the governor of Cross River State and the SDP presidential candidate in 2019.

He left the PDP, where he had served as a two-term governor to run for the presidential seat on the platform of the SDP.

Duke had initially declared his intention to run for president in 2007 but stepped aside in favour of the late Umaru Yar’Adua.

Analysts say his ambition to become president remains alive with his constant engagements at important occasions across the country.

Already, there are some social media groups like Team Donald Duke which has over 40,000 members reportedly from the South-South, South East and South Western parts of the country championing the 2023 presidential ambition of the former governor. 

7. Owelle Rochas Okorocha

With the deafening agitation for a Southern presidency in 2023,  Rochas Okorocha, the former Imo State governor and Senator representing Imo West, qualifies as one of the candidates to fly the APC’s flag.

As a former chairman of the NGF, he may enjoy a nationwide reach and with the Igbo fighting tooth and nail to get the presidency, he might enjoy some advantage.

But the argument in some quarters has been that his influence appears to be limited in Igboland.

He, therefore, might not be accepted as the face of the Igbo and the right candidate to champion that course.

Okorocha should be ready to face even tougher challenges than he did in 2019 when he could not secure the APC ticket for his son-in-law, Uche Nwosu. 

8. Ahmed Sani Yarima

He was governor of Zamfara State from 1999 to 2007.

He represented Zamfara West in the National Assembly and equally served as Deputy Minority Leader in the Senate.

He is currently a member of the ruling APC.

Yarima is the only person to have declared his ambition to be president in 2023.

He had attempted before in 2007 but later stepped aside for Buhari.

Recently, he told reporters in his Abuja residence that he would contest the 2023 presidency, insisting that the APC leaders did not reach any agreement before the 2015 general elections that there would be power rotation to the South at the expiration of President Buhari’s tenure in 2023.

If there is a zoning arrangement, it would most likely scuttle Yarima’s ambition, but the former governor seems determined to plod through, arguing that zoning was alien to the 1999 Constitution, the Electoral Act 2010 (as amended) and the APC’s Constitution.

He insists that no one could force him out of the race on grounds of zoning.

“You see, I don’t think there is anything like agreement. You can ask Mr President.

“He led the group. Asiwaju was there. I was part of it. There was no meeting I didn’t attend or any meeting that I attended that there was such an agreement.

“Agreements can’t be verbal, [they have] to be written. In any case, any agreement that is contrary to the laws of this country is not an agreement.

“The Constitution is very clear, the Constitution of the political parties, the Electoral Act.

“We are in a democracy and democracy is governed by processes and procedures and bylaws.

“The Constitution of Nigeria doesn’t recognize anything called zoning and likewise, the APC’s Constitution. If there is that agreement, why didn’t we put it in the Constitution?” he said. 

9. Aminu Waziri Tambuwal

The incumbent Sokoto State governor clinched the governorship seat in 2015 using the APC ticket.

He was a founding member of the APC, after he and some other governors defected from the PDP and helped form the coalition that became the APC.

He would later return to the PDP, vie for the presidential ticket in 2019 and after losing that to Atiku Abubakar, secure a second term as governor of Sokoto State on the party’s ticket.

Tambuwal served as the 10th speaker of the House of Representatives and represented the Tambuwal/Kebbe Federal Constituency of Sokoto State at the National Assembly.

He is currently the Chairman of the PDP Governors Forum (PDPGF).

The governor has started consulting some notable political leaders across the six geo-political zones over his presidential ambition.

On August 22, 2020, Tambuwal held a closed-door meeting with a former President, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, in Abeokuta, Ogun State at the Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library Pent House.

The Special Assistant on Media to the former President, Kehinde Akinyemi, confirmed the closed-door meeting in a statement he issued the following day.

The statement titled “Obasanjo still relevant for consultations on issues of governance and challenges” described the visit by Tambuwal as an unscheduled one.

The statement also quoted the governor as saying he visited Obasanjo for consultation on governance and other issues.

The governor also consulted former Senate President David Mark, former Defence Minister, Gen TY Danjuma (retd) and many other prominent politicians.

Pundits say Tambuwal is counting on his age, political experience in the legislative and executive arms of governments, his clout, and political pedigree to become president. 

10. Yahaya Bello

There are strong signals that Governor Yahaya Bello of Kogi State is among those eyeing Buhari’s seat in 2023.

Already, giant billboards have been erected in strategic locations in the state, urging him to run for president in 2023.

Recently, the Kogi State House of Assembly, at its plenary, passed a resolution calling on the governor to run for president.

House Majority Leader, Hassan Abdullahi, while moving the motion said the call was predicated on the ‘sterling performance’ of the governor since he assumed office in 2016.

Besides the resolution by the state lawmakers, the governor’s foot soldiers and loyalists, including commissioners and special advisers in his cabinet, have all been drumming support for his (Bello’s) presidency in 2023 through various social and traditional media platforms.

According to them, it is now the turn of the North Central geopolitical zone to produce the next president. 

11. David Umahi

Governor David Umahi of Ebonyi State is also one of the politicians from the South East believed to be interested in Buhari’s plum seat in 2023.

Umahi, who has been a top chieftain of the PDP for many years, recently defected to the ruling APC in a strategic move to position him for the 2023 presidency.

Although Umahi has said that his defection had nothing to do with any presidential ambition in 2023, pundits and political watchers are of the view that the Ebonyi governor was being economical with the truth.

In the fullness of time, it would be clear whether Umahi would throw his hat in the ring for the presidency or not. 

12. Bala Mohammed

Governor Bala Abdulkadir Mohammed of Bauchi State is a former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) from 2010 to 2015.

Senator Mohammed of the PDP defeated an incumbent APC governor in the 2019 elections, thereby creating a major upset in a key State that has always voted for President Buhari.

The governor of Bauchi State has not shown any interest to run for the presidency but a civic group, Abuja Coalition of Youth and Women, has called on him to contest the elections.

The group made the call in a communique issued at the end of its meeting in Abuja and signed by Aminu Zakari and Christiana Jacob, president and secretary-general respectively.According to the group, by 2023, Nigeria would be in dire need of a competent, transparent and resourceful leader to pilot the affairs of the nation and save it from chaos and disintegration.The names of Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, Senate President Ahmad Lawan (APC, Yobe), Governor Nasir El-Rufai of Kaduna State and Governor Babagana Zulum of Borno State are being mentioned in certain quarters, but it is not yet clear if they would contest.Sources said they are being circumspect about their ambition because of the zoning factor and would most likely contest when the cloud gets clearer.

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