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2023 Election: APC forms bought without my consent, says Jonathan

by Leading Reporters May 10, 2022
written by Leading Reporters

It has come to our notice that a group has purportedly purchased Presidential Nomination and Expression of Interest forms, of the All Progressives Congress APC, in the name of former President Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan.


We wish to categorically state that Dr. Jonathan was not aware of this bid and did not authorize it.
We want to state that if the former President wanted to contest an election, he would make his intentions clear to the public and will not enter through the back door.


While we appreciate the overwhelming request by a cross-section of Nigerians, for Dr. Jonathan to make himself available for the 2023 Presidential election, we wish to state, that he has not in anyway, committed himself to this request.

Buying a presidential aspiration form in the name Dr. Jonathan without his consent, knowing the position he had held in this country, is considered an insult to his person. The general public is therefore advised to disregard it.

Malam Ibrahim Abdullahi, leader of the nomadic Fulani pastoralists and Almajiri communities, had earlier told newsmen after picking the forms that Jonathan should be re-elected to enable him to complete what he began.

“My name is Ibrahim Abdullahi, I represent two of the most vulnerable communities in our country, the nomadic pastoralists and the almajiri communities.

“We have decided to purchase this form for our former president, Dr Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, to come back and rule this country and continue with the good work he started,” he said.

Among other things, he said Jonathan was the first president since the country gained independence in 1960 that found it expedient, through his magnanimity, to remember the Almajiri community.

Ikechukwu Eze
Media Adviser to H.E. Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan

May 10, 2022 0 comments
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Mystery of APC’s numerous presidential aspirants

by Leading Reporters May 8, 2022
written by Leading Reporters

By Tonnie Iredia

At this year’s anniversary of Press Freedom Day in Abuja where I served as guest speaker, I had asked Nigerian media professionals to endeavour to appreciate the efficacy of the theory of self-esteem. My argument was that no matter one’s situation in life, an eternal positive admonition is that one must strive continuously to position one’s self favourably so as to attract public respect.

The media cannot afford to despair and lament every year on the precarious position it occupies in world affairs in which its members are attacked if not killed for carrying out an approved societal mandate of public enlightenment. Many other institutions which attack the media do so partly because they see many young people in the media who appear to them as irritants while performing their duties. At the end of the lecture, there was the breaking news that more members of Nigeria’s ruling All Progressive Congress (APC) had joined dozens of others to pick up the party’s presidential nomination form at the cost of just N100million.

It looked like a mystery for the party which many have been blaming for the woes of the nation to present itself as the party to beat at next year’s presidential election by unveiling innumerable aspirants. A compelling posture for understanding the inexplicable strategy is to place it within the context of the theory of self-esteem which hypothesizes that those who aim high score high. Already, some Nigerians are now unconsciously preoccupied with looking out more at the possibility of the APC’s re-election instead of thinking of the deteriorating standard of living during its tenure. Indeed, some are beginning to buy the imagination that today’s woes would probably have been worse if another party was in charge.

Whoever designed the strategy must have also suggested to APC leaders to remain ebullient giving their members hope and asking more of them to declare to contest the 2023 presidential elections. So, while ordinary Nigerians appear hypnotized, APC members are enjoined to scorn lamentation as a basis for staying up there!!

Many more nominations may come because rumour-mongering is only a first step towards a declaration in the party. Goodluck Jonathan who had been nurtured by the opposition Peoples Democratic Party PDP to serve as Deputy Governor and Governor of Bayelsa State before becoming Vice President and later President of Nigeria may still pick-up the APC form notwithstanding that the party had declared him clueless some 8 years ago. After all, Central Bank Governor, Godwin Emefiele who had been rumoured along with Jonathan now has his own form. It is not even difficult to do because there are scores of Nigerians who are positioned to act as agents on the subject. And if care is not taken, some aspirants may surprisingly get more than one form each, depending on the number of support groups any aspirant enjoys. As disclosed on national television some three days ago, Godswill Akpabio the uncommon leader (wherever he serves) had to appeal to his admirers nationwide not to get an additional form for him. Therefore, there does not appear to be anything wrong with many more aspirants turning up because Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, popularly regarded as APC’s national leader and former governor Amosun of Ogun state have already declared that the more the merrier. In other words, the motivation of some Yoruba leaders to bring their aspirants together in a meeting was not to reduce the figure, but to put across some ethical codes on language and general disposition of the aspirants during campaigns.

Such brotherhood has already been shown by two Yoruba aspirants, Senator Ibikunle Amosun and Governor Kayode Fayemi of Ekiti state who claim to have manifestoes which present them as ideological political twins. What one is proposing to do is same as the other’s aspiration. In other climes, such two aspirants would compare notes and agree on which of them should be put forward. Here in Nigeria, that is not the way to go. Instead, it is seen as better for both to contest and pray for anyone of them to be victorious. The additional gain of this approach is that it generates more revenue for the party just as it puts in the public domain, the strength of APC as a party with innumerable presidential aspirants.

What no one can take away from the APC is that each and every aspirant of the party is full of ideas. Unfortunately, not enough efforts have been made to get each ‘aspirant of ideas’ to put such ideas at the disposal of the party. The eloquence with which former governor Adams Oshiomhole explained how to deal with the unending strike by University teachers would no doubt have given a high score to the party if its officials and conciliator had the Oshiomhole therapy and power of persuasion. The teachers are still on strike and their students who have always been made to spend more years than makes sense to obtain a degree are now threatening that no matter the numerical strength of presidential aspirants, the 2023 elections may not hold if the strike is not resolved shortly. It seems logical to agree with our students, that it is more fulfilling to have good governance with education as a priority than to organize a smooth census of political aspirants.

Notwithstanding the outcome of the census, citizens and politicians of Southeast extraction have; on the basis of the need to create a sense of belongingness for all Nigerians, continued to call on political parties to consider an Igbo candidate as the next Nigerian president. However, it is noted that the APC has not stopped her census enumerators of aspirants from operating in the Southeast. At least one governor – Dave Umahi, 3 federal ministers – Ogbonnaya Onu, Chris Ngige and Emeka Nwajiuba along with 3 Senators – Oji Kalu, Rochas Okorocha and Ken Nnamani from the zone are already enumerated. But as far as a former National Chairman of the All Progressives Grand Alliance, Senator Victor Umeh, is concerned, South-West politicians jostling to occupy the presidency in 2023 are not helping the cause of one Nigeria. Umeh’s position is that it is premature for the presidency to return to the Southwest from where it began in 1999 when it is yet to go round the 3 major tripods of the Nigerian nation. This criticism must however recognize that even the leadership of the socio-cultural organization of Yoruba people – Afenifere, has severally made the same point.

The APC will do well to effectively manage its huge figure of presidential aspirants without allowing the process to end in imposition which will no doubt create political tension. Already, there are fears in some quarters that a withdrawal form which is expected to operate as a sworn affidavit may have been designed to meet such end. It would probably be difficult to expect persons who are required to sign sworn affidavits well before the day of primaries to believe that there were no premeditated intentions. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) can be of help here if it ensures that the conduct of primaries irrespective of the chosen mode is transparent. She can do this by ensuring that all the rules of the game are adhered to. It is expected for instance that she would insist as promised on retrieving authentic political party membership registers.

In the area of voter education, the caution to voters at all levels is for them to look out for the best candidates. The hope is that on account of all the difficulties the nation has passed through in recent years, voters would prioritize good record of previous performance in determining who to vote for. It would not make sense for example to vote for candidates who as governors could neither pay workers’ salaries nor help to improve the living standards of their people. It is not difficult to identify them. Apart from eyewitness accounts, there are credible reports by reputable organizations such as UNICEF which has just released a list of 22 states in Nigeria which are facing malnutrition and food insecurity. It is obviously a better guide than the numerical strength of aspirants.
May 08, 2022

May 8, 2022 0 comments
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2023 Presidency: Tunde Bakare Picks N100m APC Nomination Form

by Folarin Kehinde May 5, 2022
written by Folarin Kehinde

Serving Overseer of the Citadel Global Community Church, Nigeria, Tunde Bakare, on Thursday, purchased N100m nomination and expression of interests forms of the All Progressives Congress, APC, to contest the 2023 presidential primary in Abuja.

He joins the growing list of aspirants jostling for the ticket of the All Progressive Congress which holds its primaries on May 30, 2022.

May 5, 2022 0 comments
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2023: Party calls for Emefiele’s resignation as campaign posters flood APC convention

by Leading Reporters March 25, 2022
written by Leading Reporters

The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) demands the immediate resignation and investigation of the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Godwin Emefiele, following his appearance in All Progressives Congress (APC) campaign posters which confirms his partisan affiliation and entanglement with the APC.

The PDP asserts that the appearance of the CBN Governor; the banker of the federation, who by law, ought to be non-partisan and apolitical, in APC campaign material is the height of impunity of the President Muhammadu Buhari-led APC administration, which amounts to poking its fingers in the eyes of Nigerians and daring them to do their worse.

This action by Mr. Emefiele is contrary to the provision of Section 9 of the Central Bank of Nigeria (Establishment) Act which provides that “the governor and the deputy governors shall devote the whole of their time to the service of the bank and while holding office, shall not engage in any full or part-time employment or vocation, whether remunerated or not…”

Campaign posters publicising Governor of Central Bank, Godwin Emefiele, as presidential aspirant of the All Progressives Congress (APC) have flooded Eagle Square in Abuja, venue of the APC national convention scheduled to hold tomorrow.   

By engaging in partisan politics to the extent of appearing in APC campaign posters, Mr. Emefiele has knowingly and deliberately violated the provision of the CBN Act stated above.

Mr. Emefiele has also desecrated the sanctity of his office as CBN Governor, compromised the integrity of the apex bank, stripped it of the confidence reposed in it by Nigerians and the International Community and as such, cannot legitimately continue to hold and function in that office.

This further confirms that under Mr. Emefiele, the CBN, as the custodian of our national economy, has become an appendage and cash cow of the APC in their reckless pillaging of our national resources, the resultant effect of which is now evident in the near collapse state of our economy.

The CBN Governor must therefore resign immediately and subject himself to investigation by anti-corruption agencies on various allegations of financial misfeasance including reportedly opening our national vaults to the cabal in the APC administration and operating a special fraudulent, corrupt and discriminatory foreign exchange regimes for APC leaders to fleece our nation.

Although the central banker has not announced that he will be contesting for the party’s ticket at the primaries, some individuals under the aegis of Green Alliance Movement have on Wednesday said they will purchase nomination forms for him soon. 

Mr Emefiele’s tenure as the head of the central bank may be his strongest selling point but under his leadership, the central bank did not experience much growth or stability due to the downward spiral of the Naira. 

To tackle the devastating currency devaluation, Mr Emefiele launched attacks against AbokiFX, an online platform that publishes aggregated currency exchange rates by black listing the website and declaring the operator Oniwinde Adedotun wanted. This action was outside the administrative powers of the central bank governor.  

Mr Emefiele said that Mr Oniwinde’s reporting of exchange rates endangers the economy and embarrases the government. He went ahead to invite the blogger and his supporters to a fist fight should they disagree with his despotic decisions. 

Mr Emefiele also initiated economic and financial policies in connivance with the Buhari regime. Several of these policies do not reflect public interest and the good of the general public. 

In 2021 Mr Emefiele was dragged to court for allowing the Buhari regime continue borrowing flagrantly, after exceeding borrowing limit and not repaying previous outstanding. This action violated section 38 of the CBN Act. 

“The total amount of such advances outstanding shall not at any time exceed five per cent of the previous year’s actual revenue of the Federal Government.

“All sections advances made pursuant to this section shall be repaid –

“(a) as soon as possible and shall in any event be repayable by the end of the Federal Government Financial year in which they are granted and if such advances remain unpaid at the end of the year, the power of the Bank to grant such further advances in any subsequent year shall not be exercisable, unless the outstanding advances have been repaid,” Section 38 (2)(3) of the CBN act reads in part. 

Financial Analyst, Tosin Adeoti, commenting on his lawsuit against Mr Emefiele, berated the action as lawless. 

“We are asking the court to declare that the Central Bank of Nigeria under the direction of its Governor, Mr Godwin Emefiele, can be held liable/accountable for their incompetence, for actions taken in the course of their duties which are unlawful, illegal, unconstitutional and indeed detrimental to the public interest.

“We realised that those who should do something about the humongous debts the country is piling are not saying anything. The National Assembly is not exercising its functions rightly. A lot of civil rights organisations are shying away rather than put pressure on the presidency to stop taking more and more loans. 91 per cent of the nation’s revenue was spent on paying debt in the first six months of the year. This is not sustainable and will only lead to the nation being unable to get funds for capital projects. This cannot be good for any country.

“The CBN under Mr Emefiele has been engaged in the illegality of lending to the Federal Government more than the prescribed five per cent of the government’s revenues of the previous year. In 2020, for instance, the (apex) bank lent the government N2.8tn which is 62 per cent of 2019 revenues! The bank further lent to the Federal Government even when it had yet to refund what was previously borrowed. Presently, the Federal Government owes the CBN N15.51tn – N14.86tn of this under the Buhari regime, contrary to the express provisions of Section 38 of the CBN Act.

“This isn’t academic. The lawlessness is responsible for the skyrocketing prices of items in the market and the instability of the naira. It’s the CBN’s job to provide this stability. Breaking the law has brought instability. The dollar exchange rate as of this morning (Thursday, September 16, 2021) was N565 per dollar. Nobody knows where it is heading next, whether up or down and how long that would be. Who wants to invest in such a volatile environment? All of these things are connected,” Mr Adeoti said.

March 25, 2022 0 comments
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2023: Tinubu May Dump APC For Another Party Over ‘Fear Of Defeat’

by Leading Reporters March 20, 2022
written by Leading Reporters

Reports emerged on Saturday claiming the National leader of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, is “working on an alternative party” to vie for the 2023 presidency.

Tinubu, who is presently the leading aspirants, is aware of plots by some party stalwart and governors to deny him the party’s ticket.

According to the report, Buhari, who had refused to name his preferred candidate over fear he or she would be killed, is said to be favouring a younger aspirant.

Tinubu, who is refusing to be caught off guard, is not putting all eggs in one basket to avoid being caught unawares by an “unfavourable outcome” of the APC primary.

It was gathered that the former Lagos State governor is planning to use the Ekiti State Governorship election to test the waters.

The APC leader is reportedly aligning with Segun Oni a one-time Ekiti Governor and SDP flagbearer, because he is aware he does not have the backing of Governor Kayode Fayemi, who is also interested in the presidency.

“The President wants a younger person and that’s not Tinubu.

“Fayemi wants to be President if the office is zoned to the South”, a source told Daily Post.

“If he fails, he may get the SGF (Secretary to the Government of the Federation) position as long as the next President or Vice are not from South-West.

“Tinubu is monitoring all that’s happening and he seems to have pitched his tent with the SDP.

“The truth is that civil servants like Oni are ready to vote for him.

“With his cold war with Fayemi and Oni’s popularity, Tinubu has developed a soft spot for the SDP.

“And this isn’t just about Ekiti election, he may contest on the platform if APC denies him a ticket.”

It was gathered that Oni’s running mate, Otunba Ladi Owolabi was picked after consultations with Tinubu’s camp.

“Oni, 67, is from Ifaki while Owolabi, 68, is an Ado Ekiti indigene.

Sources also accused the Fayemi administration of allegedly stopping Tinubu from using the Adetiloye Hall during his visit to Ekiti monarchs a fortnight ago.

“The authorities stopped the use of the venue because Fayemi isn’t working for his political leader’s ambition.

“In fact, by the time Tinubu landed, Fayemi left the state via helicopter.

“They said he had to be in Abuja. He could have briefly showed up at the parley with the Obas but didn’t want to be seen with Tinubu in such a gathering”, another source told Daily Post.

March 20, 2022 0 comments
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HeadlinesOpinion

Sacking Defecting Governors Deserves Supreme Court’s Support

by Leading Reporters March 13, 2022
written by Leading Reporters

By Tonnie Iredia

On March 08, 2022, a federal High Court sitting in Abuja sacked the governor of Ebonyi state and his deputy as well as a number of state legislators for defecting from the party on whose platform they were elected. Reactions to the judgment have been overwhelming.

While most people found no fault with removing the law makers from office because it tallies with the express provisions of the Constitution, opinions are divided as to the legality of the judgment concerning the governor and his deputy whose defection the same Constitution is silent on. In 2018, when the governors of Benue, Sokoto and Kwara states similarly defected, what carried the day was the argument that the Constitution did not include defection among the factors for which governors can leave office. The implication of this is that how to handle a defecting governor will for some time to come remain an unresolved issue in Nigeria’s democracy. But bearing in mind that the occurrence is patently repugnant, one would have thought that steps would have since been taken to resolve the issue, but that has not happened.

A critical objective of this piece is to draw attention to the need to punish the wrong of defection by those who appear to be inadvertently protected by the law when they are in the wrong. Perhaps an appropriate take off point is to establish that political defection is a wrong which is not a difficult task to handle because as stated earlier, there is a consensus that it is a wrong on the part of law makers. But is it not curious to describe the act of transferring votes by some actors from one political party to another as a wrong and pretend that the same act is probably not a wrong when perpetuated by another set of actors? Luckily, most people deprecate the act of political defection which short-changes a particular set of voters irrespective of who the wrong-doers are. Unfortunately, whereas the law prescribes punishment for law makers involved in the act, it does not similarly do so for governors. But considering that the failure to punish a wrong does not cure the wrong of its defects, the best way to go seems to be to seek to punish every wrong doer on the basis that under the rule of law, everyone is supposedly equal before the law.

Against this backdrop, there are several issues calling for attention. The first of such issues is ownership of votes cast in a Nigerian election; is it the property of a candidate or his/her political party or both? The Constitution has left no one in doubt that political parties are the most important actors in the nation’s electoral process. To start with, the Constitution provides that only aspirants sponsored by political parties can be candidates in an election. Put differently, no one can dispense with political parties which is why it is impossible to be an independent candidate in any Nigerian election. Besides, the Judiciary has consistently held that votes at an election belong to political parties notwithstanding that the charisma of individual candidates may have helped a party to secure victory. In recent contests (Imo North Senatorial and local elections in Abaji-FCT) INEC declared specific political parties as winners pending the determination of their authentic candidates.

The second issue of importance is the power to transfer votes from one party/candidate to another. Here, it is obvious that in view of the strategic position of political parties as owners of votes cast in elections, a candidate who has been declared winner of an election cannot later transfer his votes to another party/candidate. Anyone who does so, is involved in the wrong of defection which can hurt the interests of some persons or groups. Based on this reasoning, the logical necessary follow-up question would take this form. Is it in order for the relevant societal institution – the Judiciary to overlook the wrong of such transfer of votes which a defection of an elected office-holder may have caused? If not, how best can the subject be handled?

For long, very many senior lawyers have continued to argue that removing a defecting governor from office is unconstitutional. However, they have all been silent on the propriety of leaving a wrong without a remedy. Here, it is apt to recall the Latin maxim ‘ubi jus ibi remedium’ which is an age-long philosophy meaning “for every wrong the law provides a remedy.” It is therefore not enough to lament the failure of the Nigerian Constitution to provide a remedy for the wrong of political defection by a governor because it is not only a Constitution that has the duty to provide every remedy; in what is known as judge-made law, a Court can also interpretatively prescribe a remedy to a wrong. Surprisingly, no effort has been made in recent years to follow the clear path identified by the greatest Nigerian judges of all times on what the nation should do when confronted by the issue of lack of provisions for an inevitable cause of action. In other words, Nigerian Courts ought to inventively dispense substantive justice instead of allowing a wrong to persist without sanctions because of over-reliance on technicalities.

As Karibi-Whyte a one-time famous justice of Nigeria’s Supreme Court once explained, “… it is erroneous to assume that the maxim ubi jus ibi remedium is only an English Common Law principle. It is a principle of justice of universal validity couched in Latin and available to all legal systems involved in the impartial administration of justice. It enjoins the courts to provide a remedy whenever the Plaintiff has established a right…” Although some analysts have criticised the decision of the Supreme Court in the famous Rotimi Amaechi’s case, it is quite hard to disagree with the proactive posture of the Justices that if a court is satisfied that a person has suffered a legal injury it ought to do justice by providing “a remedy irrespective of the fact that no remedy is provided either at common law or by statute.” Indeed, a court needs to do this so as to be able to follow the persuasive dictum of another legal luminary: Justice Katsina-Alu who opined that “the law is an equal dispenser of justice which leaves no one without a remedy for his right.”

With this clear line of thought provided by judges of old, no one can defend the
current conservative approach which gives an impression that the judiciary in Nigeria has been subdued by the other arms of government. The situation is more worrisome because defecting governors have never proffered any rational motivation for their behaviour other than personal materialistic interests. For example, Governor Ben Ayade of Cross River State defected because he reportedly wanted to support the President to provide good governance. Dave Umahi of Ebonyi State on his part defected to the ruling party because he doubted if his original party would zone the presidency to the South East. In the case of Zamfara State, Governor Bello Matawalle defected to a political party which the judiciary ruled was not in existence in the eyes of the law. These bizarre defections ought not to be protected through judicial over-reliance on technicalities which can encourage other actors into seeking extra-judicial means of ventilating political grievances.

As if to reiterate the definition of law by the legendary English jurist, Lord Denning which sees law as what the Judge says it is, Justice Inyang Ekwo has taken the first crucial step in bringing to an end, the notorious wrong of Nigeria’s political defections. All Higher Courts should support him by disallowing the perpetrators from using the protection offered them by the Constitution to hide behind fraudulent activities. Any defector-governor should not be seen as someone removed from office; but one who worked away from a mandate. He should thus not be allowed to transfer the same mandate elsewhere because its owners – the electorate had instinctively determined where the mandate should be.

……..Professor Iredia, a former Director-General of the NTA, media law teacher, communication expert and broadcast manager wrote from Abuja.

March 13, 2022 0 comments
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Buhari and his National Assembly friends

by Leading Reporters February 20, 2022
written by Leading Reporters

By Tonnie Iredia

Mutual distrust and suspicion between the Saraki-led 8th National Assembly and the Buhari-led Executive arm of government was an open secret.

However, the problem did not begin with delayed passage of annual budgets as some people tended to amplify; it was there from the very beginning because Bukola Saraki, the then Senate President and Yakubu Dogara, Speaker of the House of Representatives got into office against the arrangement of their party, the All Progressives Congress APC. If the 8th National Assembly was recalcitrant, the APC and the Presidency did much to hurt the leadership of the legislature. The case against Saraki at the Code of Conduct Tribunal and the refusal of the Senate to clear certain presidential nominees for critical political offices and many other antagonistic acts were all perceived as part of the cat and rat game which characterized the era. It was obviously not the best environment for good governance and President Muhammadu Buhari never missed any opportunity to denounce the development. Indeed, it was not a conducive option for attaining national development which the different of arms of government must be collaboratively committed to.

The end of tenure of the 8th Assembly presented to a reelected President an opportunity to ensure that the rancour of the last 4 years did not recur. So, the reelected ruling APC stringently avoided the elements that prompted the unnecessary bitterness of the past. The leadership of the National Assembly had greater personal reasons to act as good party members. The new Senate President Ahmad Lawan and his colleague in the House of Representatives Femi Gbajabiamila, were the same two party members previously anointed for their jobs which were overturned. They were thus not positioned to exhibit any headstrong signs. It was therefore a good beginning for both arms of government. The lack of understanding of this background was what made some analysts to express apprehension over a likely rubberstamp legislature – an apprehension exacerbated by the publicized manifesto of the leadership of the legislature as a team prepared to support anything from the Presidency.

The current National Assembly has understandably been run like what may go down in history as the most cooperative relationship with the Presidency in Nigeria. But how genuine is this friendship between both arms? This question is relevant because while many see the National Assembly as malleable, others suspect the deliberate underdog position as a ploy to insulate its members from public scrutiny of hidden illicit gains. None of the two elements can help the country’s growth because a positive aspect of the separation of powers is the opportunity the design gives to all arms of government to function together in the interest of the people. In other words, wherever one arm goes wrong should be corrected by the other; none should by commission or omission facilitate the perpetuation of any wrong by the other. This may not be easy to attain as both parties may not wish to roughen the feathers of the other even where the silence hurts society.

The 2022 Budget and the Electoral Act Amendment Bill have however left gaps for criticisms of a supposed cooperative relationship between arms of government that is hardly beneficial to the public. At the signing of this year’s budget into law, President Muhammadu Buhari was constrained to deprecate what he called “worrisome changes” to the budget by the National Assembly. We disagree with those who misunderstood the President as envisaging a situation where the legislature would pass the budget without ensuring that it would facilitate good governance. What should bother anyone is the scope of the changes whose numerical strength could derail governance. As Buhari disclosed, as many as 6,576 new items (not previously discussed behind closed doors by the two arms) were suddenly inserted into the budget as if it was a very poorly written report by a junior staff which his supervisor had to virtually rewrite.

The President does not appear to be the only one who is worried, BudgIT, a foremost civic-tech organization engaged in the advocacy for fiscal transparency and public accountability in Nigeria has explicitly expressed greater worries on behalf of many. From BudgIT we are able to learn that there are 460 duplicated items amounting to N378.9billion in budget 2022. Worse still is that several projects were inexplicably assigned to Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs). For example, the National Agency for Great Green Wall, set up to prevent land degradation and desertification afflicting parts of the country is to get N1.3 billion for purchasing motorcycles, street lights and other projects which are outside its mandate. The Ministry of Environment, which is not a security agency reportedly has N67.8million to construct ‘Gun Armouries.’ This trend ought to worry any well-meaning Nigerian more so as this is not the first time of its occurrence in our budgets. Last year, as many as 316 duplicated projects were inserted into the 2021 Budget approved by the National Assembly.

The point must be made again that the ample time which our legislature spends on scrutinizing the budget is commendable because that is more likely to bring out the best of the budget. Interestingly, they do not appear to subject the request for loans by the executive to the same type of scrutiny. This is particularly curious because despite the very loud public disapproval of the numerous loans incurred by this government, none of the requests for loans is ever rejected and no changes are ever made either to the amount needed or the nature of its components. Yet, the National Assembly is made up of the same professionals of different academic and occupational backgrounds who always pick holes in budget estimates. Could it be that the Executive arm is never able to deploy the same expertise it puts into working on loans into the preparation of budgets or are presidential liaison officers not the same for budgets and loans?

The absence of a unity of direction between the Presidency and the National Assembly on the subject of the Electoral Act Amendment Bill is even more complicated. The refusal of the President to assent to the bill because of its anti-democratic feature of disallowing our political parties from having options of primary election modes cannot be faulted. But it is obvious that some legislators may have felt bad because as friends who speedily approve executive requests, Buhari should have also reciprocated by accepting the wishes of his friends to reduce the powers of governors. But then by refraining from perpetuating what is wrong, the President taught his friends a huge lesson that it makes more sense for a leader to support his friends only when their viewpoint will not hurt the public. Whereas legislators who are lawyers are fully aware that a law which is targeted at a specified group is bad law, both themselves and their other colleagues who are not learned should hereafter realize that to blindly support a friend can be injurious to both a policy and many innocent persons involved in the process.

Accordingly, our legislators who are mandated to ensure that nominees to certain public offices are fit and proper persons should stop the ‘bow and go’ contrived scheme which allows nominees with poor baggage to assume offices. The power to screen a person for an office, as we have always argued in this column, cannot be logically extended to include the power to exempt some from screening. If the Presidency nominates people for offices, the constitution requires the senate to reject those who are unfit such as partisan politicians nominated to the electoral body because the contrary would amount to perpetuation of wrong and would in turn hurt the electoral process. As President Buhari is currently struggling to reduce both our numerous institutions and government’s inability to meet University teachers’ requirements, this is not the time for friends in the legislature to be making fresh laws to create more institutions. People must learn to support their friends in office to end well.

Tonnie Iredia
February 20, 2022.

February 20, 2022 0 comments
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N165B Fraud: Gbajabiamila launches probe against Aregbesola over prison fund

by Leading Reporters February 17, 2022
written by Leading Reporters

The House of Representatives has commenced a probe of the Minister of Interior, Rauf Aregbesola.

The Speaker, Femi Gbajabiamila, made this known on Wednesday.

Gbajabiamila is a staunch loyalist of Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a National Leader of the All Progressives Congress, APC, who has declared his intention to run for presidency in 2023.

This development is coming few days after Aregbesola publicly blasted Tinubu for turning himself into a god.

Gbajabiamila presided over the plenary on Wednesday, where members resolved that the interior minister and prisons chief, Haliru Nababa be probed.

They are being accused of misappropriating about N165billion funds earmarked for prisons development across the country.

The House resolution came as a result of a motion of urgent public importance moved by Ndudi Elumelu, who is the Minority Leader of the House.

“The House is disturbed that despite this Act and increase in budgetary allocations to the Nigerian Correctional Service to drive its renewed mandate, the tempo and quality of the service have remained the same if not retrogressing,” Elumelu said.

“The House is worried that the working conditions of staff and inmates’ welfare have deteriorated notwithstanding, the over N165 billion budget allocations to the service in the last two years.”

With this, the lawmakers resolved to have its committee on Reformatory Institutions investigate the allegations and report to the House within 12 weeks, for further legislative action.

February 17, 2022 0 comments
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Matawalle’s judicial victory: Matters arising

by Leading Reporters February 13, 2022
written by Leading Reporters

By Tonnie Iredia

The Federal High Court, Gusau Division last week, was reported to have affirmed Bello Matawalle as governor of Zamfara state. The verdict of the case which was to oust Matawalle for defecting to another party did not surprise many because the reason for it is not new.

One point that has been consistently canvassed is that the defection of a governor from one party to another is not one of the conditions listed in our constitution for the removal of a governor from office. As a result, anyone who is eager to remove governor Matawalle or any of his colleagues from office has to follow the legal and appropriate provisions of the law. If so, why were very senior and respected lawyers part of the move by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to use the judiciary to sack the Zamfara governor for an offence that is said to be unknown to the law? Were they testing the waters or hoping that some activist judge might be swayed by the need to help society attain good public policy? However, the last may not have been heard of the case because only last Thursday, the Federal High Court Abuja granted a plea by the PDP to join governor Matawalle as a defendant in another suit seeking his removal.

While we are confident that the judiciary would in due course deal with the issues raised, many politicians and perhaps some curious individuals are becoming more concerned about how best to deal with many subjects which are also reportedly not known to the law but from which some people are reaping legal fruits. One such subject is what now looks like the participation of a non-existent entity in the government of Zamfara state.

The story behind it all is not difficult to recall. During the last general elections in the country, the ruling party in the state, the All Progressives Congress (APC) was declared winner of both the governorship and majority of the seats at the House of Assembly by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). The judiciary however over-turned the verdict having found the APC guilty of breaching the rules of the game. In other words, in the eyes of the law, the APC did not participate in the election and was even asked to pay a fine of N10million. From nowhere, some politicians have ‘circumlocuted’ to now conceive an inexplicable idea that some people answering the same name of APC and recognized by the national leadership of the APC now constitute the state government.

Expectedly, people are now asking a series of questions: (a) Can the APC which in the eyes of the law was non-existent in a state produce a governor for such a state? (b) Should the law recognize anyone who purports to be an APC governor in Zamfara state? (c) Should we discountenance those who think Matawalle should not be assisted to sustain such weird claim? (d) Are such persons, not raising a fundamental poser which public policy actors should ponder over quickly and seriously too? While not discussing the rationality of the judicial affirmation of Matawalle as governor especially because this column is not the correct location for that, it seems obvious that the judicial pronouncement has a technical foundation. In which case, the scenario may not be the fault of the judiciary as it is not expected to base its decisions on issues of morality or emotions and pressures of the moment. If so, it is time to begin to consider the other options that can be employed to make our democracy have a proper character.

In fact, like many other defects such as the issue of fake credentials by candidates which we have since been dealing with, it is also critical to identify strategies by which society can stop unstable actors who jump from one political divide to another from spending precious governance time on politicization. While it is likely that the Zamfara case would have been easily handled if it had arisen during the electioneering era especially during election petitions, time cannot legitimize inappropriate behaviour.

If it is allowed to remain, the contradictions it poses for the political system can pollute our democracy. To start with, it overturns the wishes of the people. During the 2019 general elections, the people of Cross River and Ebonyi states voted for the PDP. The defections of Governors Ben Ayade and Dave Umahi respectively from the people’s party of choice to their newly found party of interest, are quite capable of negating the democratic tenet of the sovereignty of the people. The governors neither sponsored themselves nor were they voted to represent themselves. They were supposed to be in office to represent the people.

As i have argued at some other fora in the past, the sovereignty of the people is the prime tenet of democracy. In every society, power belongs to the people because they are the source of political power. Everything in politics is supposedly done on their behalf by their representatives. When it is the other way round as happens in parts of Nigeria, it merely reverses the legitimacy of government which ought to be premised on the consent of the people. It is perhaps for this reason that many scholars have continued to argue that electoral victory is superior to judicial victory.

We need to take a more critical look at the subject and return power to the Nigerian people. While the power of the judiciary to settle election disputes has been helpful, the judiciary should not have the last say in determining the wishes of the people. A re-run election which gives the people the last say might be better. For instance, there is no proof that such a fresh exercise in Zamfara state which would have excluded APC having been disqualified would have been won by PDP that was second in the first exercise.

In Nigeria, party supremacy may be a myth in practice but in law it is real because the Nigerian constitution provides that only persons sponsored by political parties can contest elections in the country. To further confirm this privileged position of Nigeria’s political party system, the judiciary has consistently held that it is political parties that win elections and not their candidates.

As stated earlier, elections that were won by PDP in Cross River and Ebonyi states can at no point in time become APC victories simply because their governors found cause to change ship. It is worse in Zamfara, where APC was not one of the contesting parties in both the governorship elections and in the entire general elections of 2019. We cannot continue to criticise our parties as having no distinct manifestos and at the same time pretend not to know that politicians who can switch parties at will cannot in truth stand for anything distinct or original.

I consider it simplistic to argue that the defection of a governor is in line with the principle of freedom of movement. My position is that there is time for everything. A decent governor can resign at any time to join another party which he suddenly finds more appealing but it certainly amounts to usurpation for such a governor to hold-on to the mandate of another party while moving to a new party. Such a governor betrays the people who voted for him because he was known as the candidate of their preferred political party.

He also betrays many others such as those who stood as his nominees as part of the requirement for eligibility to contest elections in Nigeria. What the unending issues of materialistic defections suggest is that the constitutional provision which bars individuals from contesting elections as independent candidates has since become superfluous. Too many of such contradictions in our system ought to be expunged. They are the real issues which our law makers should put in the front burner of our so-called constitution amendment instead of issues of personal and party interest.

February 13, 2022 0 comments
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FCT Elections: PDP Beats APC, Wins Abuja Municipal Council Area

by Leading Reporters February 13, 2022
written by Leading Reporters

The candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Christopher Zaka, on Sunday emerged as the winner of the chairmanship election for Abuja Municipal Area Council (AMAC) after getting 19,302 votes. 

He was declared the winner of the chairmanship post for the council election after beating the candidate of All Progressives Congress (APC), Murtala Usman –  who polled 13,240 votes –  and 12 other candidates.

Total votes cast for the AMAC elections were 33,764.

Similarly, the PDP candidate in the Kuje Area Council chairmanship election in the Federal Capital Territory, Suleman Sabo, swept to victory in the poll.

The Independent National Electoral Commission, through Returning Officer, Sule Mahaji, announced the result on Sunday morning.

He said Sabo polled a total of 13,301 votes while his closest rival, Sarki Hamidu, of the All Progressives Congress, polled 7,694 votes.

With a total margin of 5,607 votes to defeat his closest rival, Sabo will now serve a second term in office as chairman of Kuje Council Area.

February 13, 2022 0 comments
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